Compare the portrayal of Clytaemnestra in both Aeschylus Essay Example for Free

Compare the portrayal of Clytaemnestra in both Aeschylus Essay Compare the portrayal of Clytaemnestra in both Aeschylus Agamemnon and Euripides Electra. Which portrayal do you think is more effective and why?  The character of Clytaemnestra is portrayed very differently in both Aeschylus Agamemnon and Euripides Electra. In Agamemnon, we see a very strong female ruler, who is completely absorbed by her passion for vengeance, whereas the figure in Electra is far more maternal, and shows a concern for her family and reputation, which was not apparent in Aeschylus play. This subdued version of Clytaemnestra shows a stark contrast to the fierce and dominant character in Agamemnon, however both characters remain fascinating for different reasons. The Clytaemnestra of Agamemnon seems to be fearless of retribution, with an infallible belief in her own righteousness; I have no fear that his avengers tread shall shake this house. In Electra, however, we see a very different character, humbled over the years, and afraid of Orestes, Im terrifiedthey say he is full of anger for his fathers death. These different reactions to the same topic emphasise how greatly the character of Clytaemnestra differs in each play, from the meek and subdued housewife of Electra, to the self-assured and confident murderess of Agamemnon. One explanation for the changes in character of Clytaemnestra in these plays is the timescale in which they are set. The events in Electra happen several years after those in Agamemnon, and the more mature and calmer Clytaemnestra we see portrayed in Euripides play could be due to the effect of time on her, and the fact that she has had several years in which to reflect upon her actions and realise the full extent of the crimes that she committed against her husband. In Electra, Clytaemnestra states how bitterly I regret it now with regards to the murder she has committed, showing that she has indeed been thinking about the events of the past and repents her actions. This Clytaemnestra is very subdued in comparison to the character portrayed by Aeschylus, and although we can see some evidence of the passion and raw energy that made the character so fascinating in Agamemnon, for instance when she attempts to justify her murder of Agamemnon to her daughter; why should he not die? it is clear in Electra that Clytaemnestra is to take second stage to her daughter in regards to unhindered fury and a lust for vengeance. This older, wiser Clytaemnestra still remains crucial to the plot, but not as a central character, and is merely a shadow of her former self, the confident, powerful creature who dictated the action of Aeschylus play. The style of the two playwrights is a notable difference in the two plays, and the representation of Clytaemnestra varies greatly due to this. Euripides, the more modern o the two tragedists, tended to use sophistic arguments to confound the audiences expectations of a character. With Clytaemnestra, for instance, he decided to move away from her monstrous image the audience would have expected after plays such as Agamemnon, and instead portrayed her as a gentler, maternal figure. This technique was enhanced by the fact that we do not see Clytaemnestra until the second half of the play; only hear about her from Electra. The image portrayed by this character is similar to the one portrayed in Agamemnon, so much so as the audience can wonder whether Euripides is intentionally parodying this version of events, as he had done earlier in the play with the recognition scene, a clear parody of The Libation Bearers. Aeschylus, a far more traditional playwright, portrays Clytaemnestra in her c lassic style, as the murderess of her own husband. This portrayal is, however, somewhat sympathetic towards Clytaemnestra, and we can feel some compassion towards her, although this does not excuse her actions. Aeschylus gave the audience a clear moral standpoint in his tragedies, and they are aware through both the use of the chorus, and the play itself, whose side to be on, from a moral perspective. Euripides on the other hand, tended to be deliberately ambiguous, and his treatment of Clytaemnestra is typical of this. The two sides of the woman that are exposed in this play; the ruthless killer of Agamemnon, as seen through the eyes of Electra, and the reformed wife of Aegisthus, as is later portrayed. This use of sophistic techniques in order to confound the audiences expectations is common in the plays of Euripides, and is particularly effective in this portrayal of such a fascinating woman. The fact that Clytaemnestra is the central character in Agamemnon yet only plays a small part in Euripides Electra also accounts for several differences in her character. The Clytaemnestra in Agamemnon appears almost constantly throughout the play, and through this we can see the development of her character from the strong wife looking after her husbands estate whilst he is at war: Our king and leader absentour duty pays his due observance to his wife, to the violent mistress who murders her husband without remorse at the end of the play: caught by the ruthless falsehood of a wife. Aeschylus is able to develop his character over a far greater stretch of time than Euripides as, in Electra, Clytaemnestra only appears in one scene. The fact that Clytaemnestra is the main protagonist in Agamemnon allows us to examine her character to a far greater extent, enabling us to see how obsessed she has become with the idea of vengeance, and the murder of her husband: His death the work of my right hand, whose craftsmanship Justice acknowledges. In Electra, the character of Clytaemnestra is not given as much time to develop, and we have to make assumptions on her based on the short dialogue between her and Electra.

The Collective Unconscious Essays -- essays research papers

The famous psychologist Carl Jung believed that the universe and all of its inhabitants are made up of a measureless web of thought called the collective unconscious, it’s suggests that the collective unconscious is rooted in the genetic code of every living thing. This collective unconscious is evident in an individual’s personality, which is comprised of five separate personalities blended together; these are called archetypes. In Jungian psychology, there are five different archetypes: the shadow, anima, animus, persona and the wise old man or mana-personality. Each influences a different aspect of one’s personality. These influences vary from one individual to another depending upon the dominance of each archetype. In the play Hamlet, each one of these archetypes manifests itself as a dominant personality trait within one of the play’s main characters. It is also apparent that the collective unconscious itself is an underlying theme which exists throug hout the events in the play. Although, these concepts have only recently been discussed and proposed as a psychological theory, it appears that they pre-date Jung by three hundred years. I will provide proof of this hypothesis through parallels between Jung’s work and the play. Carl Jung believed that the structure of the human psyche is comprised of three main parts: the conscious, personal unconscious and the collective unconscious (refer to figure 1). The conscious is basically the function or activity which maintains the relation of psychic contents with the ego or one’s state of awareness. Personal unconscious consists of experiences or memories that can be recalled by an individual, either through the will of the person or by employing special technique (e.g. Hypnosis). The final part of the psyche is the collective unconscious, which can be considered something that links us all together. It is the reservoir of our experiences as a species, a kind of knowledge the human race are all born with of which we can never be directly conscious of (refer to figure 2). The collective unconscious influences all of our experiences and behaviors, particularly the emotional ones; however, we are only aware of it indirectly, as it can be revealed by looking at various facets of those influences. Those influences are the archetypes (refer to figure 3). The first archetype that we see in the play is that of the per... ...ge. If the collective community unconsciously thinks that a change is needed, a large and almost catastrophic event will occur leaving the community in a momentary sense of chaos. Order is restored through the emergence of a single individual with the ability to rectify the state of flux. This is seen through the events in Act 5, Scene 2 where Fortinbras enters the hall where the duel took place, is faced with the deaths of Gertrude, Claudius, Hamlet, and Laertes. Chaos ends and order is restored when Fortinbras is named monarch of Denmark during Hamlet’s final breath. There is strong evidence that all major Jungian archetypes are portrayed through key characters within the play. The manifestation of the archetypes as major characters within the play occurred hundreds of years prior to the development of Jungian theory. As well, the collective unconscious is developed throughout the play, culminating in the final chaotic scene; however, a single individual re-institutes normalcy. It is feasible that the concept of archetypes and a collective unconscious was understood much earlier and possibly Jung could have been influenced by their unconscious in the development of his theories.

Essay about citizenship †Citizenship in Sao Paulo’s Favelas

Introduction Sao Paulo is not only the biggest city in Brazil, but is the biggest proper in the Americas and in the southern hemisphere and not to mention, ranking seventh in terms of population in the whole world. Its metropolis is the second most populated in the Americas and ranks in the top ten largest in the world. This city is the capital of the state of Sao Paulo and a significant center in commerce, finance, arts and entertainment in Brazil. Sao Paulo has recorded a significant growth compared to other cities in Brazil in terms of population and with urbanization at 81 percent; it is witnessing an increase in slum housing. This problem started in the beginning of 20th Century with the segregation that existed between the affluent, who lived in the central districts, and the poor, who lived in the low lying floodplains. This pattern of urban settlement has changed with poor migrants moving into all city spaces. The rapid spread of slums began in the 1980s with the development of favelas in the urban peripheries and the cortices. Currently, the favelas are the dominant form of settlement and have broken its confinement into all parts of Sao Paulo, the insurgent citizens of the city. There has been an ongoing conflict between the residents of favelas and the public authorities because of the encroachment into the areas valued by the property market. In addition, the favelas are slowly being driven into the poorest, most peripheral and dangerous areas devoid of basic urban services, such as water, power, education. This paper intends to reveal that this insurgency is a conflict of citizenship and not just instrumental outcry and violence. Citizenship in this case refers to recognition of residents’ legal presence in the city and their rights to basic urban services. Insurgency in Sao Paulo Sao Paulo, like many other cities in the developing countries, is not planned. According to UN Habitat (2012), planning for social integration is important as it addresses policies that could or affect the poor. It is also recommended that these plans be done well in advance so as to tackle the issues before they occur rather than as they occur. Urban planning plays a key role in mitigating insurgent citizenship. As aforementioned, the peripheries of Sao Paulo were inhabited by worker back in the 1960s who constructed their homes through autoconstruction. They did this without any infrastructure; this process is still used today as a primary means of settling the urban poor in the city. Nonetheless, as evident, this process has done little to solve the problem of housing in the city. The city of Sao Paulo has experienced rapid economic growth, this growth, however, has been unevenly distributed among the population, and this has resulted in wide social and economic disparities. The f avelas of Sao Paulo is a marked representation of these issues, with inadequate infrastructure and urban services, lack of the rule of law and adequate policing, as well as violence emerging from institutionalized poverty. The city has lost its appeal of a neutral entity; it has become a political and economic space, where the meaning of citizenship and urban life is regularly on trial, here power relations are forcefully maneuvered and sustained. There are notable examples where the residents of the favelas have taken action to claim ownership of the slums. Holston (2007) explains that, in 1972, the residents of Jardim das Camelias roughed up court officials, an incident that led to massive arrests by the police and for a week what seemed to be a conflict between the law and the residents ensued supported by politicians and lawyers. This was triggered by eviction notices that were to be delivered to the residents and which they ignored and used violence to evade, at least one perso n died. In 2003, an official went to Lar Nacional, to cancel one of the residents title that had been recently issued. This saw the beginning of long legal battle between the residents of the favelas and the court system. They had learnt to organize themselves as a unit, neighborhood association. The court official’s intention was to demand the cancellation of the title as a result of an anomaly in measurements. The title was issued through adverse possession a legal way of acquiring an original title by proving possession over an uninterrupted period. The residents spent more than a decade petitioning the judiciary for such validation, and it was a historical case as the first to return favorably decided, the resident was issued a new title, site plan, as well as tax number. Moreover, this insurgent citizenship came out of the peripheries and the favelas into the civic square, with the elections of 2002, the country witnessed one of the residents of the favelas rises to the highest office of the land. Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, of the Workers’ Party (PT) grew up poor in the urban peripheries of Sao Paulo, and this seemed as a victory for those who lived in these areas as they filled the central spaces of Sao Paulo with the red banners calling for citizenship. Citizenship It is critical to understand the condition of working class citizenship in Sao Paulo to examine the emergence of the citizenship in the favelas. Wolfe (2014) points at the fact that the establishment of a working class in Sao Paulo revolves around the long-time relationship between land, labor, and law that exist in land policies. These were meant to bring forth a particular kind of work force in addition to illegalities that result in settlements as well as legalization of property claims. Such illegalities resemble the current ones in the peripheries. The only difference is that this happens with an unexpected result that in the end generates a distinct formulation of citizenship. According to Holston (2007), the elites in the 19th Century introduced a regime of citizenship to strengthen their hold of power in the new formed nation state. In this process, they used social differences, such as education, race, gender to induce different treatment to different segment of citizenship. This was the beginning gradation of rights among the citizens, and here rights were based on segregation, there were certain sections treated better than others. It is this system that created the citizenship of inclusive membership, but largely inegalitarian in distribution. For the elite to maintain the differentiated treatment to citizens after the country’s independence and the abolition of the slave trade, they came up with a dual pronged solution. They ensured direct suffrage and made it voluntary, but at the same time limited it to those who could read and write. This restriction made the electorate much smaller, furthermore in the constitution; there was an elimination of the citizens rights to basic education that provided them with some limited education. This restriction denied the citizens of their political citizenship for a long time until 1985 when it was repealed. According to Holston (2007), after the repeal, the elites still longed to control civil and econ omic matters. They established a real estate industry that facilitated legitimate the ownership of private property and one that supported free labor immigration. In addition, they created high price for the land and made wages low to restrict the many workers legal access to land forcing them to basically be source of cheap labor. The two citizenships developed in tandem and became restrictive as the country changed from a slave based nation to a republic based on wage labor. The regimes that followed in the 20th century followed this paradigm establishing an inclusively inegalitarian citizenship and adopting it to a modern situation. It incorporated the emerging labor force in the urban areas into a new arena of labor law devoid of equality. According to , inclusively inegalitarian citizenship was the cause of the insurgency. Inegalitarian citizenship representative of inequality in his theory can be disapproved more so in the context of it use. If the residents of the favelas are unequal, that has not stopped them from moving up the economic and political ladder. Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva is a good example of this scenario; he was raised in the favelas and emerged as the head of state. Therefore, the insurgence is not in demand for autonomy, but for residence and more so for the poor. The cause for the insurgency was lack of planning that takes into consideration the workers and the poor of the city. In addition, as much as Holston (2007) argues that favelas claimed their citizenship, this is far from the truth. They might have stopped evictions and initiated a new process of issuance of titles, but this calls for a redefinition of citizenship. Citizenship calls for recognition of the rights of each and every resident, as part of the urban populace; they have equal democratic right to environmental health as well as basic living conditions. The rights herein refer to basic urban services including but not limited to water, sanitation, power, and education. The favelas inhibit provision of these basic services, first of all it is not easy to gauge the population in these areas for planning purposes; they are not only congested, but also risky as a result of high crime rates. In addition, the houses constructed in favelas are not planned and are informal hence it is difficult to access them for the provision of certain services such as good roads, drainage, water supply and even power. These conditions render the favelas by default inaccessible to basic urban services. Furthermore, Holston’s (2007) approach explores cultural phenomena, and he makes a persuasive case. There seems to be another problem in the favelas that have a direct bearing on the limited citizenship of the favela residents. There is a need for a clear ethnographic analysis of the key players in these areas, and Holston (2007) fails do provide this. The favelas have been invaded by cartels that would rather have them remain the way they are for business purposes . First, the drug cartels, they have a system of criminal leadership. These criminal gangs have control over most areas of the favelas making it difficult for the residents to receive much needed services due to fear. The middle class and the upper classes are of the opinion that favelas are loci of violence and the epicenter of criminality. This view is further perpetuated by the state officials as well as the law enforcement that result to a repressive approach, from regular police raids to forceful eviction of large populations and razing the structures. These actions are usually justified by the mere fact that the favelas are crime hotspots. Criminal gangs and activities play a significant role in preventing accessibility into the favelas, this leads to the government shortsightedness, police unaccountability, and most important lack of opportunities and services for the residents relegating them to a state of inegalitarian citizenship. Rights in Sao Paulo Favelas The emergence of citizenship in Sao Paulo’s public spheres forced the authorities to relook into these new urban conditions by allowing new kinds and sources of rights. These brought to the forefront issues of substance and scope that were previously ignored by the state’s current laws and institutions. The new citizenship rights developed at the edge of the manifested assumptions of governance: they resolved the new common and personal spaces of everyday life among the economically challenged in the favelas; the rights concerned men, women as well as the children and established work to give state services. The most notable fact of the rights is that they introduced reconceptualization, what Holston (2007) refers to as the greatest historical innovation of these rights. The proponents of these rights had initially thought of them as entitlements of general citizenship, as opposed to a differentiated category of citizens. In this regard, the emergence of participatory p ublics in the favelas introduced and established new understanding and exercise of citizenship rights as well as expanding substantive citizenship to new social frontier. The foundation of rights, therefore, is a combination of new and old formulations. In addition, these rights are subjected to change in concepts. Nonetheless, there is a presentation of a mixture of rights that include treatment rights, contributor rights, as well as constitutional rights. It is evident that few people refer to constitutions and laws and if they do; it was to complain and that, with the exception of labor rights, most were not applicable. The concept of rights as a privileged few is grounded in several incarnations, entrenched in the system of differentiated citizenship. In other words, citizenship remains a means for the distribution and legitimizing inequality. This concept was prevalent in the post constitution favelas being used more than the insurgent one of generalized text-based rights. The generalized text, based rights, proposes that the residents of favelas have unconditional rights and that their rights are not based on personal, social or moral status. This sets the stage for the establishment of and the achievement of a more equalitarian citizenship. However, as the residents of favelas are organized in groups, propagates the concept of contributor rights one that adopts both systems of citizenship. This is because the autoconstruction in the favelas was not all inclusive; it excluded some residents. Despite this fact, it was recognized as the builder of the peripheries and emphasized the self-determination and accomplishment of the people in the favelas both at the individual and group level. In addition, autoconstruction promoted a universal citizenship distinct from the differentiated pattern. In the current peripheries, all the three concepts were significant in the development of citizenship. Conclusion This paper has highlighted the concept of citizenship, applying it to the city of Sao Paulo. The paper reveals that the insurgency witnessed in most of the informal settlements in the city are not mere instrumental outcry and violence, but a conflict of citizenship. As the city developed, there was no proper planning that took into consideration the low income earners or even the settlements that were earlier created by the workers. Therefore, there has been the emergence of new citizenship in Sao Paulo’s public spheres forced the authorities to look into these new urban conditions by allowing new kinds and sources of rights. The insurgency introduced new ways of accessing the situation; these brought to the forefront issues of substance and scope that were previously ignored by the state’s current laws and institutions. The new citizenship rights developed at the edge of the manifested assumptions of governance. Citizenship as examined in the paper calls for recognitio n of the rights of each and every resident of the city, as part of the urban populace; they have equal democratic right to environmental health as well as basic living conditions. Bibliography Avritzer, A., 2004. A Participacao em Sao Paulo. Sao Paulo: Editora Unesp. Conceicao, A., 2010. RMSP supera 20 milhoes de habitantes, calcula Seade. [Online] Available at: http://www.estadao.com.br/noticias/economia,rmsp-supera-20-milhoes-de-habitantes-calcula-seade,503095,0.htm [Accessed 14 March 2014]. Diken, B. & Laustsen, C.B., 2007. Sociology Through the Projector. New York: Routledge. Geo Cases, 2003. Sao Paulo: Population and Slum Housing. [Online] Available at: http://www.geocases2.co.uk/printable/Housing%20in%20Sao%20Paulo.htm [Accessed 14 March 2014]. Holston, J., 2007. Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries. [Online] Available at: http://www.publicspace.org/es/texto-biblioteca/eng/b001-insurgent-citizenship-in-an-era-of-global-urban-peripheries [Accessed 15 March 2014]. Holston, J., 2007. Insurgent Citizenship: Disjunctions of Democracy and Modernity in Brazil. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Human Rights Watch, 2009. Lethal Force: Police Violen ce and Public Security in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. New York: Human Rights Watch. McCann, B., 2006. The Political Evolution of Rio de Janeiro’s Favelas: Recent Works. Latin American Re, pp.149-63. Santos, B.d.S., 1995. Toward a New Common Sense: Law, Science and Politics in the Paradigmatic Transition. New York: Routledge: Routledge. The Guardian, 2002. Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. The Guardian, 27 October. UN Habitat, 2012. The Role of Urban Planning in Preventing Slums and Addressing the Existing Slums. [Online] Available at: http://www.mhu.gov.ma/Documents/TOP%2020/Pr%C3%A9sentations%2027%20nov/The%20role%20of%20urban%20planning%20in%20preventing%20slums%20and%20addressing%20existing%20slums.pdf [Accessed 15 March 2014]. Wakefield, E.G., 1968. A letter from Sydney. In The collected works of Edward Gibbon Wakefield. Glasgow : Collins. Wolfe, J., 2014. Working Women, Working Men: Sao Paulo & the Rise of Brazil’s Industrial Working Class, 1900–1955. Duke Unive rsity Press.

How to Keep Your Christmas Tree From Drying Out

Whether you buy your Christmas tree from a lot or hike deep into the woods to cut your own, youll need to keep it fresh if you want it to last the holiday season. Maintaining your evergreen will ensure that it looks its best and prevent potential safety hazards. It will also make cleanup easier when Christmas is over and its time to say goodbye to the tree. Select a Long-Lasting Tree Consider the kind of tree you want. Most  fresh-cut trees, if properly cared for should last at least five weeks before completely drying out. Some species hold their moisture content longer than others. The  trees  that retain moisture the longest are the Fraser fir, Noble fir, and Douglas fir. The Eastern red cedar and Atlantic white cedar rapidly lose moisture and should be used only for a week or two. Whatever type of tree you get, feel the needles to make sure they arent already dry before you take the tree home. Refresh the Tree If youre buying a tree from a lot, odds are the evergreen was harvested days or weeks earlier and has already begun drying out. When  a tree is harvested, the sliced trunk oozes with pitch,  sealing  the transport cells that provide water to the needles. You will need to refresh  your Christmas  tree and open up the clogged cells so the tree can deliver appropriate moisture to the foliage. Using a tree saw, make a straight cut along the bottom of the trunk—taking at least one inch off the original harvest cut—and immediately place the new cut in water. This will improve water uptake once the tree is on its stand. Even if your tree is freshly cut, you should still place the base in a bucket of water until youre ready to bring it inside. Use the Proper Stand The average Christmas tree is about 6 to 7 feet tall and has a trunk diameter of 4 to 6 inches. A standard tree stand should be able to accommodate it. Trees are thirsty and can absorb a gallon of water a day, so look for a stand that holds 1 to 1.5 gallons. Water the new tree until water uptake stops and continue to maintain the level of the stands full mark. Keep the water at that mark through the season. There are dozens of Christmas tree stands for sale, ranging from basic metal models that sell for about $15 to elaborate self-leveling plastic units that cost more than $100. How much you choose to spend will depend on your budget, the size of your tree, and how much effort you want to put into making sure your tree is straight and stable. Keep the Tree Hydrated Always keep the base of your tree submerged in regular tap water. When the stands water remains topped-up, the tree cut will not form a resinous clot over the cut end and the tree will be able to absorb water and retain moisture. You dont need to add anything to the tree water, say tree experts, such as commercially prepared mixes, aspirin, sugar, or other additives. Research has shown that plain water will keep a tree fresh. To make watering your tree easier, consider buying a funnel and a three- to  four-foot  tube. Slip the tube over the funnel outlet, extend the tubing down into the tree stand, and water without bending over or disturbing the tree skirt. Hide this system in an out-of-the-way part of the tree. Practice Safety Keeping your tree fresh does more than maintain its appearance. Its also a good way to prevent fires caused by strings of tree lights or other electric decorations. Maintain all electric accessories on and around the tree. Check for worn Christmas tree light  electrical cords and always unplug the complete system at night. Remember that miniature lights produce less heat than large lights and reduce the drying effect on the tree, which lessens the chance of starting a  fire. Also, keep the tree away from heaters, fans, or direct sunlight to keep it from drying out prematurely. A room humidifier also could help keep the needles fresh longer. Additional safety tips are available from the National Fire Prevention Association. Dispose of the Tree Properly Take the tree down before it dries completely and becomes a fire hazard. A tree that is totally dry will have brittle greenish-gray needles. Be sure to remove all ornaments, lights, tinsel, and other decor before taking down the tree. Many municipalities have laws dictating how to dispose of a tree; you may have to bag the tree for curbside disposal or drop it off for recycling. Check your citys website for details.